Navigating Challenges and Trends in Latin American Democracies
Democracy is experiencing a backslide globally, and Latin America is not exempt from this trend. The emergence of right-wing populist leaders exacerbates the democratic deficiencies that have been developing in many countries in the region for decades. In countries marked by ferocious military dictatorships and human rights violations, these changes cannot be ignored. The latest Democracy Index published by The Economist Intelligence Unit in 2023 shows that less than 8% of the world’s population lives in a full democracy. This reality is reflected in Latin America in flawed democracies and hybrid regimes.
This is evidenced by diminished public endorsement of democratic principles, escalating public apathy towards regime type, a growing propensity and disposition favouring authoritarian governance, deteriorating efficacy of governments, and the tarnished reputation of political parties. Democracy in numerous countries is precarious, with some having altogether abandoned democratic practices. The year 2024 will end an intense electoral cycle in the region's countries, shaping the map that indicates where democracy and its institutions may head in the coming years.
Historically, Latin America's path to democracy has been marked by a complex interplay of historical, cultural, and socio-economic factors. Following waves of colonialism and authoritarian rule, the region witnessed a wave of democratisation in the late 20th century, characterised by transitions from military dictatorships to civilian rule. Although the evolution of democracy was irregular, this period saw the emergence of democratic institutions, free elections, and civil liberties, marking a hopeful time for democracy in the region. Since then, no no Latin American country has sustained a full democracy continuously, yet the last 40 years have been the longest period of democratic government in most countries.
The will to establish new rights and cope with ongoing political conflicts has been translated into many new constitutions in various countries. Brazil (1988), Colombia (1991), Argentina (1994), Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008), and Bolivia (2009) have enacted constitutional reforms in the last decades to include and guarantee more rights. The recent reforms in the Andean region granted legal rights to nature and Indigenous rights. Although rejected by referendum, the ongoing attempt to reform the Chilean constitution since 2019 also reflects this trend.
AP photo by Dado Galdieri
Despite this trajectory, Latin American democracy faces challenges and trends that threaten its stability and progress today. Populist leaders have ascended to power in several countries across the region, channelling public discontent and promising quick—and sometimes radical—solutions to complex, structural problems. Whilst initially appealing to marginalised populations, these leaders often consolidate power, undermine democratic norms, and erode institutional checks and balances. This is reflected in the population's growing lack of interest and indifference to their country's political regime. According to the Latinobarometro Index, support for democracy in the region dropped from 63% in 2010 to 48% in 2023, As a result, the recent emergence of far-right leaders such as Nayib Bukele in El Salvador, Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, José Antonio Kast in Chile, and Javier Milei in Argentina, highlight this vulnerability, as these figures seem to enjoy significant popularity despite undermining democratic institutions.
Bukele's security policy has proven successful and guaranteed him popular support for reforming the constitution to access re-election, but has been marred by major human rights violations,authoritarian and violent practices, including the suspension of civil liberties and the mass arrest of suspected gang members without due process. In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro lost the elections,but has maintained high levels of popular support, raising concerns about his potential return to power, despite accusations of a coup d'etat and attempts to abolish the democratic rule of law in 2022. Javier Milei's governance in Argentina remains uncertain as his profound economic adjustment of public expenditure has translated into improving some economic indicators like inflation rates and public deficits, yet at an extremely high social cost, leading to an uncertain future
This trend of authoritarian backsliding is also strengthened by the region's tendency to concentrate high levels of power in the executive branch, often curtailing freedom of the press and political opposition, leading to democratic regression and a shrinking space for dissent. Democracy has long been in a critical situation in Venezuela and Nicaragua, where both Nicolás Maduro and Daniel Ortega remain in power through authoritarian practices, suppressing the media and banning the opposition from competing in free elections. The upcoming elections in Venezuela, where the main opposition candidate has been banned, underscore the precarious state of democracy.
Moreover, the 2023 Latinobarómetro survey reflects a worrying acceptance of authoritarianism, with an increasing number of people feeling indifferent to the regime type (Latinobarómetro, 2023. This indicates a profound challenge as a growing segment of the population no longer prioritise democratic governance, and are failing to condemn authoritarianism.
Source: Latinobarómetro 2023
At the same time, rising violence, expanding organised crime, and growing insecurity pose significant challenges to democracy and democratic institutions.. In El Salvador, for example, citizens tend to prioritise their security over democratic practices and are, to some extent, showing a willingness to sacrifice certain rights for more state intervention in security matters. The ongoing militarisation of countries like Mexico and Colombia in their fight against organised crime and narcotrafficking has yet to resolve the issues. Mexico's recent election marked a milestone with its first female president, Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo. However, it was also described as an extremely violent political transition in the country's history, with 120 political assassinations, as well as numerous kidnappings and forced disappearances. Ecuador has experienced a similar trend, with the murder of political leaders in 2023 including presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio.
Whilst democracy faces threats from multiple fronts, social unrest and protest movements have erupted across the region in response to economic inequality, social injustice, and government corruption. These movements reflect deep-seated frustrations with political elites and demand meaningful reforms to address systemic inequalities and ensure greater social inclusion. At the same time, persistent corruption undermines trust in democratic institutions and hinders socio-economic development. This provides fertile ground for populist leaders from both the left and right to exacerbate political polarisation and public distrust. This discontent has highly contributed to the emergence of leaders who are outsiders of the political system, such as businessmen from the private sector—as in the cases of Bukele in El Salvador and Daniel Noboa in Ecuador— and TV show personalities such as Javier Milei in Argentina. Politicians failed to demonstrate accountability when it comes to expenditure of public funds, addressing inequalities, and building inclusive or secure environments for their citizens. Both Noboa and Milei came to power by tapping into these frustrations, and blaming state intervention and established politicians for poor economic outcomes, or what Milei called "the cast".. InPanama, the recent election of José Raúl Mulino, seen as a continuation of former president Ricardo Martinelli, who was prosecuted for corruption and money laundering, also raises concerns.
Latin America remains one of the most unequal regions in the world, with stark disparities in income, education, and access to essential services. Addressing these inequalities requires comprehensive policies that prioritise social welfare, promote inclusive economic growth, and empower marginalised communities.
As political polarisation deepens, it exacerbates divisions and hinders constructive dialogue and cooperation. Bridging these ideological divides, fostering inclusive political processes, and promoting a culture of tolerance and respect are critical for overcoming polarisation and promoting democratic pluralism.
Despite its challenges, democracy remains a valued aspiration for almost half of Latin Americans. Commitment to the defending of human rights, belief in elections and political participation, and efforts to foster more just and inclusive societies remain central objectives of Latin American societies. However, support for democracy has declined in recent years. As a global trend, international and interregional discussions on democracy are vital for producing insightful knowledge and promoting cooperative behaviour.
About the Author
Dr. Melisa Deciancio is an esteemed scholar in the field of International Relations, holding a PhD in Social Sciences from Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO) (FLACSO) in Argentina - a partner institution of the EU-VALUES Network.
Dr. Deciancio obtained a Master’s degree in International Relations and Negotiations in 2010, a collaboration between FLACSO and the University of San Andrés, and she completed her Bachelor's degree in Political Science at the University of Buenos Aires in 2006. Currently, Dr. Deciancio is a CONICET Postdoctoral Fellow and serves as the Academic Coordinator of the Master's Degree in International Relations at FLACSO Argentina. Dr. Deciancio’s research focuses on the intellectual history of International Relations in Argentina, theories of International Relations, multilateralism, and global governance. Her work critically examines the evolving dynamics within these disciplines, contributing significant insights into both academic and practical aspects of international affairs.
She contributes her expertise as a professor at multiple esteemed institutions, including FLACSO, the University of Buenos Aires (UBA), Universidad del Salvador (USAL), and Universidad de la República (UDELAR) in Uruguay.
Find out more about our partner here: Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO)
The opinions expressed in this blog are solely those of the author and do not reflect the views of EU-VALUES Network.
